
Etiquetas: política
La facultad de establecer impuestos - llámeselos de cualquier manera: tributos, contribuciones, etcétera - corresponde al Congreso. Es indelegable y no puede ser sustituida por medidas administrativas. Se funda en que sólo los representantes de los contribuyentes pueden ceder su patrimonio.Recomiendo enfáticamente que quienes quieran entender la crisis actual lean ese artículo. Grandes hitos de la historia del mundo tuvieron su origen en la tasación sin consulta; desde la Carta Magna en Inglaterra en 1215, la revolución francesa en 1789 y la Boston Tea Party ("no taxation without representation!").
El principio de que todo impuesto, gravamen o contribución tiene que ser votado por el Congreso está en los artículos 4 y 75, inciso 1, de nuestra Constitución. Es esencial al régimen representativo y asegura que no se violen los derechos de propiedad. Esa facultad no puede ser adoptada por el Poder Ejecutivo ni aun en circunstancias excepcionales (Art. 99, inciso 3), ya que son los contribuyentes, por medio de sus representantes, los que deciden sobre la cesión de su patrimonio.Si alguien logra un retorno por mérito propio tiene derecho a lucrar por esa excelencia. Si los demás son mediocres, tiene rendimientos menores y les falta la habilidad para lograr los mismos resultados es SU problema.
Etiquetas: política
Etiquetas: política
Argentina's farm dispute
Cristina's climbdownJun 19th 2008 | BUENOS AIRES
From The Economist print editionCalling Congress back to life
STRONG presidents have been common in Argentina. But even judged by local practice, Néstor Kirchner concentrated power during his term from 2003 to 2007. He governed largely by decree, all but ignoring Congress, where a pliant majority granted him “superpowers” to reassign budget allocations freely. His wife and political partner, Cristina Fernández, who succeeded him as president last year, began just as imperiously. But unable to bully striking farmers into submission, she has turned to Congress for support.
Ms Fernández's problems began in March when she decreed a sliding scale of tax rates on Argentina's farm exports. The tax on soyabeans rose to 40% from 27% under Mr Kirchner. It would reach a marginal rate of 95% if the price of a tonne of soyabeans were to rise from $571 (its level on June 18th) to $600. With inflation already eroding their profits, farmers' patience snapped. They staged protests across the country and halted grain sales.
Mr Kirchner had faced down several foreign interests he saw as foes, such as holders of Argentina's defaulted bonds and the IMF. He urged his wife, both privately and publicly, to take a similarly hard line with the farmers. But her officials' efforts to paint the protesters as a rural oligarchy bent on toppling the government have done her little good. Mr Kirchner was fortunate in benefiting from a robust economic recovery that began before he took office. Now Argentines are fed up with the inflation and energy shortages bequeathed by his expansionary policies. The farmers have their sympathy.
The farmers have not been swayed by government offers of rebates for small-scale producers or by a lowering of the top tax rate. On June 14th, with a new round of protests under way, the police used force to break up a roadblock, arresting a popular farmers' leader. This was selective law-enforcement: for years the government has refused to deploy the police against a similarly illegal roadblock by its own supporters only a few miles away in protest at a pulp mill in neighbouring Uruguay.
Two days later, demonstrators thronged many Argentine cities, banging pots and pans in exasperation. Ms Fernández responded by sending a bill to Congress re-iterating the new taxes. Her Peronist party holds comfortable majorities in both houses. But she cannot be assured of its approval. Although opposition parties remain weak, resistance to the Kirchners is stirring within Peronism.
By throwing the issue into Congress's lap, Ms Fernández may have achieved an elegant climbdown. But that cannot disguise a crushing political defeat. The most recent opinion polls give her an approval rating of just 20%, down from 54% in February. Her husband's popularity is plummeting fast too.
The Kirchners have tried to rally their supporters by claiming that Argentine democracy is threatened. That is one way of looking at it. Another is that the farmers and their supporters—and now the Congress—are breathing life into democracy after several years of near-autocracy.
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© WERNER 2004-8 - Todos los contenidos son ficción u opinión personal de Andrés Werner. Werner es un personaje, nada acá es cierto.